GIẢI ĐỀ IELTS READING THI NGÀY 04.05.26 (IDP HAI BÀ TRƯNG)

Đề thi thực chiến ngày 04/05/2026 tại điểm thi IDP Hai Bà Trưng được đánh giá là một bài thi Reading có độ khó vừa phải nhưng lại chứa nhiều bẫy từ vựng ở cả 3 phần (Passage). Vậy hãy cùng Tram Nguyen IELTS cùng giải đề IELTS Reading này nhé.

1. Reading Passage 1:

The Impact of the Potato

A. The potato was first cultivated in South America between three and seven thousand years ago, though scientists believe they may have grown wild in the region as long as 13,000 years ago. The genetic patterns of potato distribution indicate that the potato probably originated in the mountainous west-central region of the continent.

B. Early Spanish chroniclers who misused the Indian word batata (sweet potato) as the name for the potato noted the importance of the tuber to the Incan Empire. The Incas had learned to preserve the potato for storage by dehydrating and mashing potatoes into a substance called Chuchu could be stored in a room for up to 10 years, providing excellent insurance against possible crop failures. As well as using the food as a staple crop, the Incas thought potatoes made childbirth easier and used it to treat injuries.

C. The Spanish conquistadors first encountered the potato when they arrived in Peru in 1532 in search of gold, and noted Inca miners eating chuchu. At the time the Spaniards failed to realize that the potato represented a far more important treasure than either silver or gold, but they did gradually begin to use potatoes as basic rations aboard their ships. After the arrival of the potato in Spain in 1570, a few Spanish farmers began to cultivate them on a small scale, mostly as food for livestock.

D. Throughout Europe, potatoes were regarded with suspicion, distaste and fear. Generally considered to be unfit for human consumption, they were used only as animal fodder and sustenance for the starving. In northern Europe, potatoes were primarily grown in botanical gardens as an exotic novelty. Even peasants refused to eat from a plant that produced ugly, misshapen tubers and that had come from a heathen civilization. Some felt that the potato plant’s resemblance to plants in the nightshade family hinted that it was the creation of witches or devils.

E. In meat-loving England, farmers and urban workers regarded potatoes with extreme distaste. In 1662, the Royal Society recommended the cultivation of the tuber to the English government and the nation, but thisrecommendation had little impact. Potatoes did not become a staple until, during the food shortages associated with the Revolutionary Wars, the English government began to officially encourage potato cultivation. In 1795, the Board of Agriculture issued a pamphlet entitled “Hints Respecting the Culture and Use of Potatoes”; this was followed shortly by pro-potato editorials and potato recipes in The Times. Gradually, the lower classes began to follow the lead of the upper classes.

F. A similar pattern emerged across the English Channel in the Netherlands, Belgium and France. While the potato slowly gained ground in eastern France (where it was often the only crop remaining after marauding soldiers plundered wheat fields and vineyards), it did not achieve widespread acceptance until the late 1700s. The peasants remained suspicious, in spite of a 1771 paper from the Faculté de Paris testifying that the potato was not harmful but beneficial. The people began to overcome their distaste when the plant received the royal seal of approval: Louis XVI began to sport a potato flower in his buttonhole, and Marie-Antoinette wore the purple potato blossom in her hair.

G. Frederick the Great of Prussia saw the potato’s potential to help feed his nation and lower the price of bread, but faced the challenge of overcoming the people’s prejudice against the plant. When he issued a 1774 order for his subjects to grow potatoes as protection against famine, the town of Kolberg replied: “The things have neither smell nor taste, not even the dogs will eat them, so what use are they to us?” Trying a less direct approach to encourage his subjects to begin planting potatoes, Frederick used a bit of reverse psychology: he planted a royal field of potato plants and stationed a heavy guard to protect this field from thieves. Nearby peasants naturally assumed that anything worth guarding was worth stealing, and so snuck into the field and snatched the plants for their home gardens. Of course, this was entirely in line with Frederick’s wishes.

H. Historians debate whether the potato was primarily a cause or an effect of the huge population boom in industrial-era England and Wales. Prior to 1800, the English diet had consisted primarily of meat, supplemented by bread, butter and cheese. Few vegetables were consumed, most vegetables being regarded as nutritionally worthless and potentially harmful. This view began to change gradually in the late 1700s. The Industrial Revolution was drawing an ever increasing percentage of the populace into crowded cities, where only the richest could afford homes with ovens or coal storage rooms, and people were working 12-16 hour days which left them with little time or energy to prepare food. High yielding, easily prepared potato crops were the obvious solution to England’s food problems.

I. Whereas most of their neighbors regarded the potato with suspicion and had to be persuaded to use it by the upper classes, the Irish peasantry embraced the tuber more passionately than anyone since the Incas. The potato was well suited to the Irish soil and climate, and its high yield suited the most important concern of most Irish farmers: to feed their families.

J. The most dramatic example of the potato’s potential to alter population patterns occurred in Ireland, where the potato had become a staple by 1800. The Irish population doubled to eight million between 1780 and 1841, this without any significant expansion of industry or reform of agricultural techniques beyond the widespread cultivation of the potato. Though Irish landholding practices were primitive in comparison with those of England, the potato’s high yields allowed even the poorest farmers to produce more healthy food than they needed with scarcely any investment or hard labor. Even children could easily plant, harvest and cook potatoes, which of course required no threshing, curing or grinding. The abundance provided by potatoes greatly decreased infant mortality and encouraged early marriage.

Questions 1-5: Do the following statements agree with the views of the writer in Reading Passage 1? Write TRUE, FALSE, or NOT GIVEN.

1. The early Spanish called potato as the Incan name ‘Chuchu’.

   
   

2. The purposes of Spanish coming to Peru were to find out potatoes.

   
   

3. The Spanish believed that the potato has the same nutrients as other vegetables.

   
   

4. Peasants at that time did not like to eat potatoes because they were ugly.

   
   

5. The popularity of potatoes in the UK was due to food shortages during the war.

   
   

Questions 6-13: Complete the sentences below with NO MORE THAN ONE WORD from the passage.

6. In France, people started to overcome their disgusting about potatoes because the King put a potato ................... in his button hole.

7. Frederick realized the potential of potato but he had to handle the ................... against potatoes from ordinary people.

8. The King of Prussia adopted some ................... psychology to make people accept potatoes.

9. Before 1800，the English people preferred eating ................... with bread, butter and cheese.

10. The obvious way to deal with England food problems were high yielding potato ...................

11. The Irish ................... and climate suited potatoes well.

12. Between 1780 and 1841, based on the ................... of the potatoes, the Irish population doubled to eight million.

13. The potato’s high yields help the poorest farmers to produce more healthy food almost without ...................

Bảng từ vựng

Từ vựng (Từ loại)	Nghĩa tiếng Việt
Cultivate (v)	Trồng trọt, canh tác
Dehydrate (v)	Làm mất nước, sấy khô
Staple (n)	Thực phẩm chủ yếu, lương thực chính
Fodder (n)	Thức ăn cho gia súc
Prejudice (n)	Định kiến
Yield (n)	Sản lượng, năng suất

Giải thích chi tiết đáp án Passage 1

Đáp án	Giải thích	Trích dẫn (Đoạn)
1. FALSE	Người Tây Ban Nha nhầm từ "batata" (khoai lang) cho khoai tây. Còn "Chuchu" là tên gọi món khoai tây nghiền sấy khô của người Inca, không phải tên gọi gốc của người Tây Ban Nha dành cho khoai tây.	Đoạn B: "...misused the Indian word batata... into a substance called Chuchu..."
2. FALSE	Người Tây Ban Nha đến Peru để tìm vàng, không phải tìm khoai tây.	Đoạn C: "...arrived in Peru in 1532 in search of gold..."
3. NOT GIVEN	Bài đọc không có thông tin so sánh việc người Tây Ban Nha tin rằng khoai tây có cùng chất dinh dưỡng với các loại rau khác.	Đoạn C
4. TRUE	Nông dân từ chối ăn vì cây khoai tây cho ra củ có hình thù xấu xí, dị dạng.	Đoạn D: "Even peasants refused to eat from a plant that produced ugly, misshapen tubers..."
5. TRUE	Khoai tây trở nên phổ biến ở Anh do sự thiếu hụt lương thực trong Chiến tranh.	Đoạn E: "...during the food shortages associated with the Revolutionary Wars..."
6. flower	Người dân Pháp bớt ghét khoai tây vì Vua cài bông hoa khoai tây lên khuy áo.	Đoạn F: "Louis XVI began to sport a potato flower in his buttonhole..."
7. prejudice	Vua Frederick phải vượt qua "định kiến" của người dân đối với loài cây này.	Đoạn G: "...faced the challenge of overcoming the people’s prejudice against the plant."
8. reverse	Nhà vua áp dụng "tâm lý học ngược" để người dân trộm và trồng khoai tây.	Đoạn G: "...Frederick used a bit of reverse psychology..."
9. meat	Trước 1800, người Anh ăn chủ yếu là thịt cùng bánh mì, bơ, phô mai.	Đoạn H: "...the English diet had consisted primarily of meat..."
10. crops	Giải pháp hiển nhiên là vụ mùa khoai tây mang lại sản lượng cao.	Đoạn H: "High yielding, easily prepared potato crops were the obvious solution..."
11. soil	Đất đai (soil) và khí hậu Ireland cực kỳ phù hợp với khoai tây.	Đoạn I: "The potato was well suited to the Irish soil and climate..."
12. cultivation	Dân số tăng gấp đôi nhờ vào việc canh tác (trồng trọt) khoai tây rộng rãi.	Đoạn J: "...beyond the widespread cultivation of the potato."
13. investment	Nông dân có dư đồ ăn mà gần như không tốn tiền đầu tư (investment) hay sức lực.	Đoạn J: "...with scarcely any investment or hard labor."

2. Reading Passage 2:

Father of modern management

A. It’s been said that Peter Drucker invented the discipline of management. Before he wrote his first book on the topic, he knew of only two companies in the world with management development programs. Ten years after the book’s publication, 3,000 companies were teaching the subject. Widely considered as the father of “modern management,” he wrote 39 books and countless scholarly and popular articles exploring how humans are organized in all sectors of society—business, government, and the nonprofit world. His writings have predicted many of the major developments of the late twentieth century, including privatization and decentralization; the rise of Japan to a world economic power; the decisive importance of marketing; and the emergence of the information society with its necessity of lifelong learning.

B. Drucker has said that writing is the foundation of everything he does. In 1937, he published his first book, which was written in Europe. The End of Economic Man: A Study of the New Totalitarianism examined the spiritual and social origins of fascism. In 1940, before the United States entered World War II, he wrote The Future of Industrial Man, in which he presented his social vision for the postwar world. In 1943, General Motors asked Drucker to study its management practices. Drucker accepted and spent 18 months researching and writing the 1945 book, Concept of the Corporation.

C. The concepts Drucker introduced in the 1940s and 1950s have endured. In 1954, Drucker wrote his first book that taught people how to manage. Titled The Practice of Management, it introduced the concept of “management by objectives”. Management by objectives requires managers to establish goals for their subordinates and devise means of measuring results. Workers are then left alone to perform as they will and measure their performance. Drucker wrote, “It is not possible to be effective unless one first decides what one wants to accomplish.” He went on to explain that every worker must be given the tools “to appraise himself, rather than be appraised and controlled from the outside.” Management by objectives has become an accepted business concept and is probably Drucker’s most important contribution. Drucker issued challenges to junior, middle, and senior management: “The very term ‘middle management’ is becoming meaningless [as some] will have to learn how to work with people over whom they have no direct line control, to work transnationally, and to create, maintain, and run systems—none of which are traditionally middle management tasks. It is top management that faces the challenge of setting directions for the enterprise, of managing the fundamentals.”

D. Drucker interviewed executives and workers, visited plants, and attended board meetings. While the book focused on General Motors, Drucker went on to discuss the industrial corporation as a social institution and economic policy in the postwar era. He introduced previously unknown concepts such as cooperation between labor and management, decentralization of management, and viewing workers as resources rather than costs. Drucker saw people as a resource, and considered that they would be more able to satisfy customers if they had more involvement in their jobs and gained some satisfaction from doing them. Drucker claimed that an industrial society allows people to realize their dreams of personal achievement and equal opportunity—the need to manage business by balancing a variety of needs and goals, rather than subordinating an institution to a single value. This concept of management by objectives forms the keynote of his 1954 landmark The Practice of Management. He referred to decentralization as “a system of local self-government, in which central management tells division managers what to do, but not how to do it.” The young executives are given the freedom to make decisions—and mistakes—and learn from the experience. Top leaders at General Motors disliked the book and discouraged their executives from reading it. Many other American executives criticized Concept for its challenge to management authority.

E. Drucker wasn’t immune to criticism. The Wall Street Journal researched several of his lectures in 1987 and reported that he was sometimes loose with facts. Drucker was off the mark, for example, when he told an audience that English was the official language for all employees at Japan’s Mitsui trading company. And he was known for his prescience. Given the recent involvement of the US government with financial companies, he was probably correct in his forecast when he anticipated, for instance, that the nation’s financial center would shift from New York to Washington, others maintain that one of Drucker’s core concepts—“management by objectives”—is flawed and has never really been proven to work effectively. Specifically, critics say that the system is difficult to implement, and that companies often wind up overemphasizing control, as opposed to fostering creativity, to meet their goals. Drucker didn’t shy away from controversy, either.

F. Throughout his career, Drucker expanded his position that management was “a liberal art” and he infused his management advice with interdisciplinary lessons including history, sociology, psychology, philosophy, culture, and religion. He also strongly believed that all institutions, including those in the private sector, had a responsibility for the whole society. “The fact is,” Drucker wrote in 1973, “that in modern society there is no other leadership group but managers. If the managers of our major institutions, especially in business, do not take responsibility for the common good, no one else can or will.” In his books, lectures, and interviews, the emergence of knowledge workers is only one of the demographic changes Drucker warns businesses to prepare for. Others include a decreasing birth rate in developed countries, a shift in population from rural to urban centers, shifts in distribution of disposable income, and global competitiveness. Drucker believes these changes will have a tremendous impact on business. Drucker held a profound skepticism of macroeconomic theory and contended that economists of all schools fail to explain significant aspects of modern economies. Business “gurus” have come and gone during the last 50 years, but Drucker’s message continues to inspire managers. During the 1990s, Drucker wrote about social, political, and economic changes of the “postcapitalist” era, which he says are as profound as those of the industrial revolution. In Managing for the Future: The 1990s and Beyond (1992), Drucker discussed the emergence of the “knowledge worker”—whose resources include specialized learning or competency rather than land, labor, or other forms of capital.

Questions 14-19: Choose the correct heading for paragraphs A-F from the list of headings below.

i. Introducing new management concepts to postwar era

ii. Ideas that stood the test of time

iii. Early publications

iv. Shifting the focus of management in modem manufactures

v. Thinker and scholar with world-wide popularity

vi. Drucker’s concepts are flawed

vii. The changing role of employees in management

viii. Find fault with Drucker

ix. Iconic view of “management by objectives”

Questions 20-23: Do the following statements agree with the information? (TRUE/FALSE/NOT GIVEN)

20. Drucker believed the employees should enjoy the same status as the employers in a company.

21. middle management tasks will change since companies become more complicated and run business globally.

22. Drucker strongly support that economists of schools have resources to explain the problems of modem economies at least in a macroeconomics scope.

23. Drucker’s ideas proposed half a century ago are out of date in modem days.

Questions 24-25: Which TWO of the following are true of Drucker’s views?

A. Managers should be responsible for the common good of the whole society.

B. Young executives should be given chances to start from low level jobs.

C. More emphasis should be laid on fostering the development of the union.

D. Management should facilitate workers with tools of self-appraisal instead of controlling them from the outside.

E. management should go beyond an isolate discipline as to incorporate ideas with many subjects.

Questions 26-27: Which TWO of the following are mentioned in the passage as criticisms to Drucker and his views?

A. He did not show enough respect to Japanese employees...

B. His lectures are too broad and lack of being precise and accurate about the facts.

C. His concepts helped corporate executives but not average workers.

D. His ideas are sometimes impractical and result in opposite outcomes.

E. He was overstating the case for knowledge workers...

Bảng từ vựng

Từ vựng (Từ loại)	Nghĩa tiếng Việt
Decentralization (n)	Sự phân quyền, phi tập trung hóa
Subordinate (n)	Cấp dưới, nhân viên dưới quyền
Appraise (v)	Đánh giá, tự thẩm định
Prescience (n)	Sự nhìn xa trông rộng, tài tiên đoán
Skepticism (n)	Sự hoài nghi

Giải thích chi tiết đáp án Passage 2

Đáp án	Giải thích	Trích dẫn (Đoạn)
14. v	Đoạn A tôn vinh Drucker như một học giả, nhà tư tưởng nổi tiếng toàn cầu ("father of modern management", viết 39 cuốn sách).	Đoạn A
15. iii	Đoạn B liệt kê các ấn phẩm sơ khai của ông (1937, 1940, 1945).	Đoạn B
16. ii	Đoạn C nhấn mạnh các học thuyết của ông chịu được thử thách của thời gian (đã tồn tại từ 1940s-1950s đến nay).	Đoạn C: "The concepts Drucker introduced in the 1940s and 1950s have endured."
17. i	Đoạn D đề cập việc ông đưa ra các ý tưởng quản lý chưa từng có trong thời hậu chiến.	Đoạn D: "...introduced previously unknown concepts... in the postwar era."
18. viii	Đoạn E nói về việc người ta bắt lỗi (find fault), chỉ trích ông (criticism) vì đôi khi sai sự thật hoặc lý thuyết khó thực thi.	Đoạn E: "Drucker wasn’t immune to criticism..."
19. vii	Đoạn F thảo luận về sự thay đổi vai trò, sự ra đời của "công nhân tri thức" (knowledge worker).	Đoạn F: "...discussed the emergence of the 'knowledge worker'..."
20. NOT GIVEN	Bài có nhắc đến việc xem nhân viên là "tài nguyên", nhưng không hề nói họ nên có "địa vị ngang bằng" (same status) với ông chủ.	Không có thông tin
21. TRUE	Quản lý cấp trung sẽ phải làm việc xuyên quốc gia và quản lý những người họ không có quyền kiểm soát trực tiếp.	Đoạn C: "...learn how to work with people over whom they have no direct line control, to work transnationally..."
22. FALSE	Ông cực kỳ hoài nghi (skepticism) kinh tế học vĩ mô và cho rằng các nhà kinh tế học đều thất bại trong việc giải thích nền kinh tế.	Đoạn F: "...contended that economists of all schools fail to explain significant aspects..."
23. FALSE	Ý tưởng từ nửa thế kỷ trước của ông vẫn tồn tại (endured) và tiếp tục truyền cảm hứng, không hề lỗi thời (out of date).	Đoạn C & F
24. A	Quản lý phải chịu trách nhiệm về lợi ích chung của xã hội.	Đoạn F: "...if the managers... do not take responsibility for the common good..."
25. D	Cung cấp công cụ tự đánh giá cho nhân viên thay vì kiểm soát họ từ bên ngoài.	Đoạn C: "...worker must be given the tools to appraise himself..."
26. B	Bài giảng của ông đôi khi thiếu chính xác (loose with facts).	Đoạn E: "...he was sometimes loose with facts."
27. D	Ý tưởng của ông đôi khi bị cho là khó thực thi và dẫn đến việc kiểm soát quá đà thay vì sáng tạo (tác dụng ngược).	Đoạn E: "...system is difficult to implement, and that companies often wind up overemphasizing control..."

3. Reading Passage 3:

What Do Babies Know?

As Daniel Haworth is settled into a high chair and wheeled behind a black screen, a sudden look of worry furrows his 9-month-old brow. His dark blue eyes dart left and right in search of the familiar reassurance of his mother’s face. She calls his name and makes soothing noises, but Daniel senses something unusual is happening. He sucks his fingers for comfort, but, finding no solace, his month crumples, his body stiffens, and he lets rip an almighty shriek of distress. This is the usual expression when babies are left alone or abandoned. Mom picks him up, reassures him, and two minutes later, a chortling and alert Daniel returns to the darkened booth behind the screen and submits himself to baby lab, a unit set up in 2005 at the University of Manchester in northwest England to investigate how babies think.

Watching infants piece life together, seeing their senses, emotions and motor skills take shape, is a source of mystery and endless fascination—at least to parents and developmental psychologists. We can decode their signals of distress or read a million messages into their first smile. But how much do we really know about what’s going on behind those wide, innocent eyes? How much of their understanding of and response to the world comes preloaded at birth? How much is built from scratch by experience? Such are the questions being explored at baby lab. Though the facility is just 18 months old and has tested only 100 infants, it’s already challenging current thinking on what babies know and how they come to know it.

Daniel is now engrossed in watching video clips of a red toy train on a circular track. The train disappears into a tunnel and emerges on the other side. A hidden device above the screen is tracking Daniel’s eyes as they follow the train and measuring the diameter of his pupils 50 times a second. As the child gets bored—or “habituated”, as psychologists call the process—his attention level steadily drops. But it picks up a little whenever some novelty is introduced. The train might be green, or it might be blue. And sometimes an impossible thing happens— the train goes into the tunnel one color and comes out another.

Variations of experiments like this one, examining infant attention, have been a standard tool of developmental psychology ever since the Swiss pioneer of the field, Jean Piaget, started experimenting on his children in the 1920s. Piaget’s work led him to conclude that infants younger than 9 months have no innate knowledge of how the world works or any sense of “object permanence” (that people and things still exist even when they’re not seen). Instead, babies must gradually construct this knowledge from experience. Piaget’s “constructivist” theories were massively influential on postwar educators and psychologist, but over the past 20 years or so they have been largely set aside by a new generation of “nativist” psychologists and cognitive scientists whose more sophisticated experiments led them to theorize that infants arrive already equipped with some knowledge of the physical world and even rudimentary programming for math and language. Baby lab director Sylvain Sirois has been putting these smart-baby theories through a rigorous set of tests. His conclusions so far tend to be more Piagetian: “Babies,” he says, “know nothing.”

What Sirois and his postgraduate assistant Lain Jackson are challenging is the interpretation of a variety of classic experiments begun in the mid-1980s in which babies were shown physical events that appeared to violate such basic concepts as gravity, solidity and contiguity. In one such experiment, by University of Illinois psychologist Renee Baillargeon, a hinged wooden panel appeared to pass right through a box. Baillargeon and M.I.T’s Elizabeth Spelke found that babies as young as 3 1/2 months would reliably look longer at the impossible event than at the normal one. Their conclusion: babies have enough built-in knowledge to recognize that something is wrong.

Sirois does not take issue with the way these experiments were conducted. “The methods are correct and replicable,” he says, “it’s the interpretation that’s the problem.” In a critical review to be published in the forthcoming issue of the European Journal of Developmental Psychology, he and Jackson pour cold water over recent experiments that claim to have observed innate or precocious social cognition skills in infants. His own experiments indicate that a baby’s fascination with physically impossible events merely reflects a response to stimuli that are novel. Data from the eye tracker and the measurement of the pupils (which widen in response to arousal or interest) show that impossible events involving familiar objects are no more interesting than possible events involving novel objects. In other words, when Daniel had seen the red train come out of the tunnel green a few times, he gets as bored as when it stays the same color. The mistake of previous research, says Sirois, has been to leap to the conclusion that infants can understand the concept of impossibility from the mere fact that they are able to perceive some novelty in it. “The real explanation is boring,” he says.

So how do babies bridge the gap between knowing squat and drawing triangles—a task Daniel’s sister Lois, 2 1/2, is happily tackling as she waits for her brother? “Babies have to learn everything, but as Piaget was saying, they start with a few primitive reflexes that get things going,” said Sirois. For example, hardwired in the brain is an instinct that draws a baby’s eyes to a human face. From brain imaging studies we also know that the brain has some sort of visual buffer that continues to represent objects after they have been removed—a lingering perception rather than conceptual understanding. So when babies encounter novel or unexpected events, Sirois explains, “there’s a mismatch between the buffer and the information they’re getting at that moment. And what you do when you’ve got a mismatch is you try to clear the buffer. And that takes attention.” So learning, says Sirois, is essentially the laborious business of resolving mismatches. “The thing is, you can do a lot of it with this wet sticky thing called a brain. It’s a fantastic, statistical-learning machine”. Daniel, exams ended, picks up a plastic tiger and, chewing thoughtfully upon its heat, smiles as if to agree.

Questions 27-32: TRUE/FALSE/NOT GIVEN

27. Baby’s behavior after being abandoned is not surprising.

28. Parents are over-estimating what babies know.

29. Only 100 experiments have been done but can prove the theories about what we know.

30. Piaget’s theory was rejected by parents in 1920s.

31. Sylvain Sirois’s conclusion on infant’s cognition is similar to Piaget’s.

32. Sylvain Sirois found serious flaws in the experimental designs by Baillargeon and Elizabeth Spelke.

Questions 33-37: Complete each sentence with the correct ending, A-E.

33. Jean Piaget thinks infants younger than 9 months won’t know something existing

34. Jean Piaget thinks babies only get the knowledge

35. Some cognitive scientists think babies have the mechanism to learn a language

36. Sylvain Sirois thinks that babies can reflect a response to stimuli that are novel

37. Sylvain Sirois thinks babies’ attention level will drop

(A. before they are born / B. before they learn from experience / C. when they had seen the same thing for a while / D. when facing the possible and impossible events / E. when the previous things appear again in the lives)

Questions 38-40: Choose the correct letter, A, B, C or D.

38. What can we know about Daniel in the third paragraph?

39. What can we know from the writer in the fourth paragraph?

40. What can we know from the argument of the experiment about the baby in the sixth paragraph?

Bảng từ vựng

Từ vựng (Từ loại)	Nghĩa tiếng Việt
Innate (adj)	Bẩm sinh
Constructivist (adj)	Kiến tạo (học thuyết: kiến thức được xây từ kinh nghiệm)
Rudimentary (adj)	Thô sơ, bước đầu, căn bản
Precocious (adj)	Phát triển sớm (về trí tuệ)
Stimulus (n) / Stimuli (số nhiều)	Sự kích thích, tác nhân kích thích

Giải thích chi tiết đáp án Passage 3

Đáp án	Giải thích	Trích dẫn (Đoạn)
27. TRUE	Việc khóc thét, căng thẳng là biểu cảm thường thấy (usual) khi trẻ bị bỏ lại.	Đoạn 1: "This is the usual expression when babies are left alone or abandoned."
28. NOT GIVEN	Bài đọc miêu tả sự thích thú của cha mẹ, nhưng không có câu nào phán xét rằng cha mẹ đang "đánh giá quá cao" nhận thức của trẻ.	Đoạn 2
29. FALSE	Phòng lab mới test 100 trẻ và chỉ đang "đặt dấu hỏi/thử thách" (challenging) các lý thuyết, chứ không hề chứng minh hoàn toàn (prove).	Đoạn 2: "...has tested only 100 infants, it’s already challenging current thinking..."
30. FALSE	Thuyết của Piaget bị bác bỏ bởi các nhà tâm lý học mới (nativist), không phải bị phụ huynh từ chối năm 1920.	Đoạn 4: "...set aside by a new generation of 'nativist' psychologists..."
31. TRUE	Sirois có kết luận nghiêng về lý thuyết của Piaget: Trẻ em sinh ra không biết gì cả.	Đoạn 4: "His conclusions so far tend to be more Piagetian: 'Babies,' he says, 'know nothing.'"
32. FALSE	Sirois không chê bai phương pháp thiết kế thí nghiệm, ông chỉ cho rằng cách diễn giải (interpretation) kết quả mới có vấn đề.	Đoạn 6: "The methods are correct and replicable... it’s the interpretation that’s the problem."
33. C	Dựa trên thuyết "object permanence", Piaget cho rằng trẻ không biết vật thể vẫn tồn tại khi chúng không nằm trong tầm mắt. (Ghi chú: Đề bài gốc bị lệch đáp án A-E so với chuẩn, ý đúng là "when out of sight", ghép C là gần nghĩa nhất về mặt ngữ cảnh).	Đoạn 4: "...any sense of 'object permanence' (that people and things still exist even when they’re not seen)."
34. B	Trẻ em chỉ có được kiến thức từ kinh nghiệm (thuyết Constructivist).	Đoạn 4: "Instead, babies must gradually construct this knowledge from experience."
35. A	Nhóm khoa học gia mới tin rằng trẻ sơ sinh đã được trang bị lập trình cơ bản cho ngôn ngữ (từ trước khi sinh ra).	Đoạn 4: "...arrive already equipped with some knowledge... and even rudimentary programming for math and language."
36. D	Trẻ phản ứng với kích thích mới lạ khi đối diện với các sự kiện có thể/không thể xảy ra.	Đoạn 6: "...reflects a response to stimuli that are novel... impossible events involving familiar objects are no more interesting than possible events..."
37. C	Mức độ chú ý của trẻ sẽ giảm dần (bored/habituated) khi nhìn thấy cùng một hiện tượng trong thời gian dài.	Đoạn 3: "As the child gets bored—or 'habituated'... his attention level steadily drops."
38. A	Sự chú ý của cậu bé Daniel tăng lên khi có sự đổi mới, ví dụ con tàu chuyển sang màu xanh (green or blue).	Đoạn 3: "But it picks up a little whenever some novelty is introduced. The train might be green, or it might be blue."
39. A	Đoạn 4 trình bày sự thay đổi của các trường phái tâm lý học theo thời gian về nhận thức của trẻ em.	Toàn bộ Đoạn 4
40. D	Sirois phản biện rằng điều thực sự thu hút sự chú ý của trẻ là sự mới lạ (novel things), chứ không phải do trẻ hiểu khái niệm vật lý "không thể xảy ra".	Đoạn 6: "...fascination with physically impossible events merely reflects a response to stimuli that are novel."

Lời kết

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